All the variables point to the existence of a crisis of democracy in Latin America. We have to reflect from civil society, how a system that has important consensus on the role in guaranteeing the human rights of the population, today is under threat.
For some years now we have been observing a wave of authoritarian drifts and, among them, we find similarities and characteristic patterns of modern authoritarianisms. That dynamic and sophisticated mutation is not happening in isolation; more and more it has common and worrying connections in its consequences in the suffering of people and in the normalization of oppression and violation of human dignity. From Articulate Foundation we want to open the local, regional and international debate and reflection of the perspective of civil society on these issues; from our broad mandates, whether in human rights, development or peace, we understand that democracy is a transversal aspect of our action and it is necessary, given the growing threat to democracy, not as a perfect system, but rather as a system that better guarantee our rights, be aware and in articulation to defend the right that the peoples have to live in Democracy.
democracies under threat
Recently, The Economist magazine released the results of its 2022 Democracy Index ranking, which works as an indicator to measure the health of democracy worldwide. The conclusion of this new report is that the trend of decline in democracy at the global level continues, an extremely worrying fact given the projections that suggested that there should be a slight improvement in the indicators, since the restrictions of the States were lifted. regarding Covid-19.
According to the index presented for this year, there are barely 24 full democracies in the world. That is, only 8% of the world population lives in a democracy. 37.3% do so in a democracy with problems. While 54.8% are under hybrid and authoritarian regimes, which is equivalent to more than half the planet being subjected to dictatorial contexts.
According to the index presented for this year, there are barely 24 full democracies in the world. That is, only 8% of the world population lives in a democracy. 37.3% do so in a democracy with problems. While 54.8% are under hybrid and authoritarian regimes, which is equivalent to more than half the planet being subjected to dictatorial contexts.
In the case of Latin America, the picture is even more critical. For the sixth consecutive year there is a decline in democracy in the region. The average score fell to 5.79, down from 5.83 in 2021. Only Costa Rica, Uruguay, and Chile are considered full democracies; the bulk of the countries are located in defective democracies. In the 2022 report, the case of El Salvador is highlighted as relevant, a country that registered the second most pronounced decrease in the score in the region, after Haiti. El Salvador had a serious setback in the ranking, going from 79th to 93rd place in just one year. In recent years there has been a process of deterioration of the rule of law that has notably affected the division of powers and has brought with it a harmful concentration of power that threatens to undermine the full functioning of democratic institutions.
Another relevant case for the analysis is that of Venezuela, which ranked 147th, ranking as the most authoritarian country in the region, surpassing even Cuba and Nicaragua. The crisis of democracy and human rights is so severe that it has warranted the intervention of the UN Human Rights Council and the International Criminal Court (ICC) itself. It must be remembered that Venezuela is the only Latin American country where its highest authorities are currently being investigated by the ICC for alleged crimes against humanity. Despite this international vigilance, the situation does not appear to be improving. A few days ago it was learned that Nicolás Maduro is advancing a bill to gag and disappear civil society organizations, turning this step into a threshold of no return in terms of rights such as freedom of expression and association, following the Nicaraguan recipe. , who will advance the scheme of persecution of civil society and human rights defenders, leading to the stripping of the nationality of defenders and activists in exile.
For its part, the organization Freedom House, in its annual report on the situation of democracy and freedom in the world, reiterates that the diagnosis is the same: democracy is in danger. In his latest report for the year 2022, he underlines that the current threat to democracy is the consequence of 16 consecutive years of decline in global freedom. In 2022, 60 countries suffered sharp falls in terms of their freedom index, while only 25 would have improved. The organization warns that today about 40% of the world population lives in countries that are not free, this represents the highest proportion since the end of the 20th century. In the case of the region, Freedom House maintains that in Latin America there is a process underway to put an end to the competitive elections that are a central element of a democracy. Nicaragua is perhaps the best example of this, where it was not enough for the dictator Daniel Ortega to take control of the Supreme Electoral Council, but also imprisoned seven opposition pre-candidates to clear the way and fraudulently re-elect himself. Patterns similar to the situation documented in Venezuela in terms of the violation of human rights in electoral processes and generalized persecution of the political opposition.
We must not ignore the forceful warnings from both The Economist and Freedom House about the risk of the growth of authoritarianism in the region. Something alarming if we take into account that Latin America is the area of the planet where democracy has regressed the most in the last 20 years.
Now, it is worth asking why this undermining process seems to have no cut-off point? It is true that democracy has always had constant threats. Corruption, the functioning of democratic institutions, the crisis of representativeness and the quality of the elections are among some of those old and recurring scourges that democracy dragged on and that have not been overcome. What is happening now is that to this has been added a structural conflict of origin and a sophisticated evolution of modern authoritarian drifts that it is very important to identify and address from a regional perspective, of rights and activating the capacity of diverse actors, especially those of organized civil society and the human rights movement.
Worrying signs in the region
Historically, Cuba has always been the emblematic case of the region. However, in recent decades more countries have been added to the list of cases of greatest concern. The cases of Venezuela and Nicaragua are very important examples for the analysis of how democracy is eroded in this century and how they evolve into modern authoritarianisms with strategies of democratic simulation that have allowed them to remain in power under schemes of selective repression and serious violations of human rights for long periods. Democracy no longer finds its point of disruption and collapse in coups or revolutions, but precisely in its own genesis. In the emergence of populists who adopt all the principles and values of democracy to come to power, and once in power, shed the institutional clothing of the democratic system with the purpose of manufacturing a tailored suit that allows them to be in the power indefinitely. In other words, the enemies of democracy are no longer outside, they no longer just walk around with rifles in hand dressed in olive green, nor do they pose on horseback under caudillo epics. Now, they come to power as pseudo-democrats, quietly waiting for the opportunity to undermine it, hence the importance of identifying the patterns and constant threats in order to address them.
Development of systems for permanence in power
The issue of similarities and trends is a topic to deepen and continue to systematize, however we can see the constants of the authoritarian drifts already quite cemented. Added to this strong tendency to demolish the foundations of democracy from its base are the imposing social and technological changes that are taking place, which demand a democracy that is more efficient and flexible in terms of its adaptability. In an age where information abounds, democracy faces enormous challenges. There are many studies that have been warning that social networks are today echo windows where, due to the nature of the algorithm itself, their own worldviews are strengthened and ideological debates are strengthened, completely nullifying the heart of democracy, which is the plurality of ideas. .
Within this cocktail of attacks against democracy, the massive violations of human rights are equally subscribed. The new authoritarianisms share a pattern among themselves: their contempt for elementary rights. Criminalizing the work of civil society organizations. We see arbitrary arrests against aid workers, democracy advocates and social activists. The judicial files against civil organizations that denounce abuses by the security forces and abuses of power are multiplying. We also see that in authoritarian countries such as Venezuela, Nicaragua, Cuba and El Salvador, legislation is approved to prevent the financing of these organizations, in order to suffocate them economically until they disappear, end their independence, expel them from the country and even strip them of their nationality to leaders and activists for democracy.
Where to start the debate and what is the role of CSOs?
FFaced with this complex reality, the natural antibodies of democracy are not taking effect. That is why the situation worsens and points to a lethal trend for democracy of not changing the response plan or activating early prevention alerts. In the last century, especially after the Cold War where democracy was consolidated as a system of government, threats were deterred with democracy itself and its institutionality. We see important examples of this in the cases of Colombia, the various attempted coups in Venezuela in the 1990s, or the war process in Central America itself. These cases are characterized by the power of democracy itself to repel these attacks. On this occasion, democracy requires new formulas to strengthen itself and seek its own existence in the region. It requires new antibodies because the virus has mutated.
A key element of this conversation is civil society and its role in the face of weakening democracies. A more active, participatory and more articulate civil society in the face of these threats. A civil society that is capable of detecting the necessary early warnings about the imminent dangers in which democracy and institutions find themselves. It requires a civil society that includes more micro-identities that are emerging with more intensity every day in a deeply heterogeneous society in a body capable of reacting quickly and forcefully to these viruses against human dignity. That is why civil society must work to achieve higher levels of coordination among themselves and to be able to build joint work frameworks, uniting efforts and guaranteeing a greater transfer of knowledge between organizations that work to strengthen the democratic space as well as solidarity of those who feel that this cannot come to their door. Just as authoritarianisms support each other, civil society organizations must also do so, creating work networks aimed, on the one hand, at identifying challenges in terms of human rights in authoritarian contexts; and on the other, align common defense strategies. It is necessary to avoid that particular or ideological visions contaminate the role of civil society in what has to do with the defense of democracy.
In this pro-democracy response plan, civil society organizations must improve the way in which they influence international actors. Another lesson learned is that one of the best ways to influence is by documenting cases of human rights violations, creating spaces for interaction with international protection organizations for the protection of human rights, but also mobilizing society to exert pressure on decision-making bodies. with international weight and incidence before democratic governments for a multilateral incidence in favor of democracy.
The burden of defending democracy should not only fall on civil society, the validity of democracy in the region is a broad and complex conversation, but one that today it is a necessary conversation in Latin America and especially that we must give from the social fabric and citizenship, systematize the lessons learned, generate early warnings and act to prevent the spread of the authoritarian virus. This must become a central item on our agenda. How do we start this conversation? Who is already activated?
Let's articulate: write to us at leo@articulatefoundation.org